Chapter 304: Chapter 300: The Guardian God of Socialism?
January 10, 1851.
The constitution of the Third French Republic was finally completed after a month of drafting under the organization of Minister of Justice Rue.
Compared to the Second Republic, the constitution of the Third Republic is more lenient on the issue of presidential power, granting the President the authority to directly lead departments and dissolve the parliament at any time.
The Legislative Assembly was also renamed the Legislative Corps, and every member of the Legislative Corps must start as an "official candidate." Only with the status of an "official candidate" can one proceed to the next round of elections, and the President appoints the chairman and vice-chairman of the Legislative Corps from among the "delegates."
Members of the Legislative Corps no longer receive salaries like during the Republic; each member receives an allowance of 25 francs per day during meetings.
The "Second Institute," which bears the functions of the Upper House, was also established on January 15. The Third Republic’s constitution stipulates that individuals who can enter the "Second Institute" include those who have already attained prestige in France, such as Cardinals, Marshals, Admirals, etc., besides those specifically approved by the President.
The constitution mandates that the number of members in the "Second Institute" cannot exceed 150, and it bears the functions of explaining the constitution, resolving issues not stipulated in the constitution, and reviewing laws.
Aside from the Legislative Corps and the "Second Institute," the constitution also establishes the Council of State, an independent body with its members appointed and dismissed directly by the President. The total number of members is approximately 40-50, with each receiving an annual allowance of 20,000 francs.
The President presides over the meetings of the Council of State. In his absence, he appoints a vice-chairman for the meetings. "Under the leadership of the President of the Republic, the Council of State drafts legislative proposals and government regulations, resolving difficulties encountered in administrative management." Whenever the Senate and Legislative Corps convene, the Council of State, "in the name of the government," defends the proposed bills. The Council of State’s work involves both legislative and administrative areas, playing a complex role in political life.
The National Assembly and the Supreme Court, two "behemoths" from the Second Republic period, have been entirely dismantled by Jerome Bonaparte into administrative power-dominated organizations.
The Legislative Corps, Second Institute, and Council of State all outwardly sworn that the legislative power and judicial interpretative power have entirely become appendages to administrative power, with Jerome Bonaparte wielding complete administrative power over France.
On January 15, after a "tense" selection process, Jerome Bonaparte finally completed the numbers for both the Council of State and the "Second Institute." Adhering to the principle of "better fewer than excessive," the first "Second Institute" chose 80 representatives, and the Council of State also conservatively selected 40 representatives.
On January 18, Jerome Bonaparte announced the official commencement of the first "Legislative Corps" election of the Third French Republic.
To express their support for the new regime, governors of various provinces personally appointed "official candidates" for the elections. The provincial elections lasted 12 days, and aside from six "official opposition" members serving as fronts, the remaining Legislative Corps members were all fervent supporters of the new regime.
On January 31, President of the Third French Republic Jerome Bonaparte personally departed from the Tuileries Palace to the Legislative Corps at the Bourbon Palace.
Within the Legislative Assembly at the Bourbon Palace, Jerome Bonaparte received enthusiastic applause from all the Legislative Corps representatives.
"Let us invite Governor Jerome Bonaparte to the stage for a speech!" Chairman Blair took the seat once occupied by Speaker Du Bin. Initially unwilling to serve as chairman, Blair was coercively placed in the position by Jerome Bonaparte under the pretense of helping Bonaparte through difficult times. Blair had no choice but to agree to serve as chairman for a while at Jerome Bonaparte’s request.
Amid the enthusiastic applause from the Legislative Corps, Jerome Bonaparte bowed to the representatives present. He slowly approached the podium to elaborate on the draft prepared by his Secretary General Valerovsky the previous night.
During the speech, representatives from the Legislative Corps frequently responded to Jerome Bonaparte with warm applause.
The first Legislative Corps meeting concluded with the departure of Jerome Bonaparte.
Early the next morning, the Paris Newspaper began a full-force effort. The Observer proclaimed, "The Legislative Corps is a symbol of French democracy!"
The Bonaparte Newspaper conducted an important evaluation of Jerome Bonaparte’s speech.
Other newspapers aligned with the Bonaparte faction also praised the advanced nature of the "Legislative Corps" system from various angles. Even Proudhon made a rare positive remark about Jerome Bonaparte, declaring, "Jerome Bonaparte is a true socialist guardian!"
"Guardian?" Jerome Bonaparte smirked as he looked at Proudhon’s People’s Daily’s evaluation of him.
If not for a certain understanding of Proudhon, he almost thought Proudhon was being sarcastic. There was no trace of a genuine socialist in what he was doing.
While Jerome Bonaparte was happily reading various domestic and international newspapers, Secretary General Valerovsky entered the study.
"What happened?" Jerome Bonaparte looked up at Valerovsky.
"Your Excellency, the Russian Diplomatic Envoy Vladimirovich requests an audience!" Valerovsky replied to Jerome Bonaparte.
Vladimirovich? What is he here for?
Jerome Bonaparte thought to himself, he did not understand whether Vladimirovich was bringing goodwill from the Russian Empire to France, or a declaration of war.
Jerome Bonaparte put down the newspaper in his hand and ordered Valerovsky to bring the guest over.
After Valerovsky left the room, Jerome Bonaparte slowly sat on the sofa.
Under Valerovsky’s guidance, Vladimirovich was soon brought before Jerome Bonaparte.
"Your Excellency, Governor!" Vladimirovich respectfully expressed his admiration for this French dictator.
"Please sit down!" Jerome Bonaparte extended his hand to invite Vladimirovich to sit.
Seeing Vladimirovich take a seat, Valerovsky left the study, having completed his task.
The study was left with only Jerome Bonaparte and Vladimirovich.
"Your Excellency, Governor, congratulations on your victory over the parliament!" Vladimirovich congratulated Jerome Bonaparte.
Jerome Bonaparte replied in a flat tone, "It’s an obligation bestowed upon me by the French people; I merely respect the wishes of all the French people!"
Vladimirovich smiled at this French dictator in front of him, not willing to believe a word from this dictator’s mouth.
Just half a year ago, Jerome Bonaparte, then President, had solemnly "promised" him that he would step down on time.
But who could have imagined that in merely half a year, the President, who once announced he would step down on time, would become a Governor with a ten-year term? Thankfully, this dictator still had a shred of decency, not amending his term to be lifelong.
When Vladimirovich presented everything that had happened in France to the Russian Empire, he warned the country to be cautious as Jerome Bonaparte might very well transform the Republic into an Empire.
An even more unexpected scene unfolded for Vladimirovich. Upon receiving Vladimirovich’s letter, Tsar Nicholas I unusually rejoiced over the situation in the French Republic and personally penned a letter praising Jerome Bonaparte for swiftly suppressing the "red revolution" and liberal actions and saving France.
Carl Nesselrode also in his letter asserted, "Jerome Bonaparte decisively crushed the idle talk of the Reds and constitutionalist intellectuals, leaving them no chance to rise again!"
Upon receiving two letters named and commended, Vladimirovich almost began to wonder if there had been a mistake in the letter he initially sent to his homeland.
Vladimirovich was not mistaken. The letter he sent from France to St. Petersburg was partially altered once it landed in the hands of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Carl Nesselrode.
Carl Nesselrode believed this letter could have severe consequences for the Russian Empire, and rashly presenting it to the Tsar could plunge the Russian Empire into a financial crisis.
The Tsar, upon receiving the letter, would definitely not stand idly by as the French Republic fell completely into Jerome Bonaparte’s hands. Should he deploy the army, it would inevitably lead to a financial crisis.
For a nation already riddled with issues, any major move would lead to a government financial crisis.
The Russian Empire had already paid the price for the Tsar’s whims between 1848 and 1850, and could certainly not do so again for the Tsar’s whims in 1851.
Carl Nesselrode filtered out some of the coup content of Jerome Bonaparte becoming Governor, focusing on the crushing of the red revolution and the liberal factions.
If the truth were to come to light one day, Carl Nesselrode could use "misreporting" to kick Vladimirovich out of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, ideally sending him to Siberia.
As expected, after receiving the letter submitted by Carl Nesselrode, Nicholas I was "pleased as a bear," personally penning a letter and instructing Carl Nesselrode to pass it to Jerome Bonaparte.
The letter was sent out in late January, traveling across the sea and landing in Calais before reaching Vladimirovich.
After receiving the letter, Vladimirovich went to Jerome Bonaparte and handed him the letter.
"This is a letter from our Majesty, Nicholas I, to you!" Vladimirovich handed the letter to Jerome Bonaparte.
Jerome Bonaparte took Vladimirovich’s letter, opened it, and after briefly skimming its contents, he smiled and said, "Thanks to Tsar Nicholas for his support! The French Republic will never forget the friendship with the Russian Empire! However..."